As part of a crucial step in the broader agenda of institutional reform, the Madani Government must place serious consideration on reviewing Malaysia’s current electoral system. Electoral reform is not merely an administrative improvement; it is a foundational shift necessary to ensure fair and effective representation in a maturing democracy. A central component of this reform must involve reconsidering how members of parliament are elected.
While the first-past-the-post (FPTP) system remains the primary method of electoral representation in Malaysia, mirroring the system in many other commonwealth countries, there is growing momentum globally for a shift towards proportional representation (PR). Under the PR system, voters cast ballots for parties rather than individual candidates, and seats are allocated in proportion to the votes received. This system ensures that every vote has a meaningful impact, minimising “wasted votes” and enhancing the legitimacy of parliamentary representation.
In 2020, the Electoral Reform Committee (ERC) proposed the adoption of the Closed List Proportional Representation (CLPR) system at the federal level, particularly for the Dewan Rakyat (House of Representatives). Now is an opportune moment for the government to earnestly revisit this recommendation. The CLPR model could be structured to reflect Malaysia’s federal nature, specifically, by implementing it according to the three distinct regions: Peninsular Malaysia, Sabah, and Sarawak. Furthermore, such a model can institutionalise a guaranteed allocation of one-third of parliamentary seats for Sabah and Sarawak, ensuring equitable regional representation as originally envisioned during the formation of Malaysia.
Importantly, this proposed reform does not require dismantling the entire existing electoral architecture. The FPTP system may still be retained at the state level for the election of State Assembly Members (ADUNs), who would continue to serve their constituents directly and focus on local governance. Meanwhile, members of parliament elected through the PR system would be dedicated to national policy-making, enabling them to focus their efforts on federal issues without the constraints of constituency responsibilities. This bifurcation of roles could also allow for a longer and more substantive parliamentary calendar, encouraging deeper debate and more effective legislative scrutiny.
Why PR is the Right Step Forward for Malaysia
Adopting a PR system would bring numerous benefits to Malaysia’s complex socio-political landscape. First and foremost, the approach strengthens the value of each vote, ensuring that political representation is a true reflection of the electorate’s will. Unlike the current system, where parties can win a disproportionate number of seats relative to their vote share, PR systems yield outcomes that are more equitable and democratic.
Moreover, PR systems naturally benefit smaller political parties and underrepresented groups. In Malaysia, where ethnic and religious diversity is a core part of national identity, this inclusivity is not just a benefit, but a necessity. As of today, there are no parliamentary constituencies with a majority of the Malaysian Indian (who make up approximately 6.7% of the population) or Orang Asli communities. Under the FPTP system, these groups face systemic barriers to electoral representation. PR can directly address this marginalisation by allowing minority communities a fairer chance to participate in the parliamentary system through party lists.
Likewise, gender equality remains a persistent issue. As of 2023, only 30 women serve as members of parliament in Malaysia, making up 13.5% of the Dewan Rakyat. This is a stark contrast to the 47.7% female population, as recorded in the 2020 MyCensus. The government’s aspiration to allocate at least 30% of political seats to women remains unfulfilled. Through the PR system, party lists can be designed to ensure greater gender parity, as successfully demonstrated in several countries through legislated or voluntary quotas.
Rethinking 60 Years of Electoral Tradition
Malaysia has operated under the FPTP system for almost seven decades. While this approach was suitable in the early years of independence, the socio-political dynamics of the country have evolved substantially. Issues such as gerrymandering and malapportionment have severely undermined electoral fairness. For instance, significant disparities exist in the size of constituencies, and redistricting exercises have often been accused of partisan bias.
After more than 60 years, the time has come to re-evaluate the current system and embrace a more democratic model that reflects Malaysia’s diversity and complex realities. Numerous local scholars, civil society organisations, and political observers have consistently voiced support for PR reform. Their advocacy is grounded in a vision for a more inclusive and equitable democracy.
The Case of Taiwan
Taiwan operates a mixed-member majoritarian system, which combines single-member districts with a PR component. Under this system, 34 out of 113 seats in the Legislative Yuan are allocated through party-list proportional representation. This hybrid model ensures a balance between local constituency representation and equitable party representation.
Furthermore, Taiwan employs a public political funding system, where funding is distributed to political parties based on the number of votes received. This method not only promotes financial transparency, but also enables smaller parties to remain viable participants in the political landscape while ensuring that money does not dominate political influence. Malaysia can consider implementing similar political financing reforms to complement electoral changes and ensure fairness across the board.
Reclaiming National Unity from Identity Politics
Another critical issue that must be addressed is the racial and religious segmentation of electoral politics. Over time, terms such as “Malay-majority seat” or “Chinese seat” have become commonplace, reinforcing ethnic silos within the nation’s political discourse. This is deeply concerning for a country aspiring to foster a unified national identity.
The current system indirectly incentivises ethnic-based political strategies, which hinder the formation of a cohesive Bangsa Malaysia. The adoption of a PR system can reduce such identity-based politics by shifting focus from individual constituencies to national policy platforms. This would encourage parties to develop inclusive manifestos that appeal across ethnic and religious lines, promoting unity over division.
Conclusion
Malaysia is at a crossroads. As the nation continues to mature politically and socially, its electoral system must evolve in tandem. Adopting a proportional representation system, tailored to Malaysia’s unique federal structure and demographic composition, can bring us closer to a truly representative and inclusive democracy.
The government should no longer delay meaningful electoral reform. The Closed List Proportional Representation system offers a practical and effective way forward that reflects the voices of all Malaysians, uplifts marginalised communities, empowers women, strengthens parliamentary governance, and most importantly, unites us as one nation. The time to act is now.
Author
Srideran Tamil Mogan
